The Indian Left and History
Cynical Nerd
The Left dominated the field of Indian history for thirty five years. It included historians such as Romila Thapar, D.D. Kosambi, R.S. Sharma, K.N. Pannikar, Sarvapali Gopal, Harbans Mukhia and Irfan Habib. It introduced an ideological slant in the study of history.
Let us take three examples, i.e. the portrayal of the Gupta era, the characterization of the immediate post-Gupta period and the reliance on the Pali Buddhist canon as historical source material. The Marxist school dismissed the Gupta period as a considerable part of its territory was ruled indirectly through chieftains who owed tribute, it lacked a centralized bureaucracy and it was based upon an incipient feudalism.
One could disagree. The importance of the Gupta period did not lie in its political hold over the Indo-Gangetic plain from the Hindu Kush to Assam and its links with the Vakatakas that controlled the Deccan. Its significance instead lay in the crystallization of Indic classicism that entailed the incorporation of regional, tribal and folk motifs in a broader civilizational rubric. It shaped the intellectual life in succeeding eras as no other dynasty had. Indian empiricism, science, medicine, mathematics, astronomy, architecture, theater, music and literature flourished as never before. The Gupta kingdom might not have been as centralized as the Mauryas was but it sure defined Hindu classicism.
The Indo-Marxist school likewise dismissed the immediate post-Gupta period as one characterized by a decline in trade and commodity production, deurbanization, military decentralization and the concentration of wealth in a multitude of petty local courts. The post-Gupta period was depicted as one of political fragmentation, low levels of technology, limited production for the household and the village, the absence of production for the wider market and isolated village communities and feudal land ownership.
This take is flawed. The post-Gupta Solanki dynasty in Gujarat was based on a vigorous overseas mercantilism. The affluent Rashtrakutas ruled over the Deccan. The Pallavas and Cholas in the Tamil land sponsored maritime and mercantile intercourse with South East Asia, an interaction that helped redefine both regions. These expansionist kingdoms invested in agriculture, sponsored trade and strengthened the military in the post-Gupta era! Each featured urban life and commodity production. South India in fact witnessed a rise in powerful guilds that sponsored Hindu temple cities based on an agriculture surplus - reflecting a strategic alliance of the monarchy, the priesthood, the mercantile castes, the peasant castes and the artisan. Temples became veritable bankers that financed overseas trade. Ronald Inden infact used the Rashtrakuta as evidence to demolish Marxist theory.
The Palas forged an empire that included Bengal, Bihar and Avadh. Kashmir under Avantivarman and Lalitaditya pioneered links with central Asia.
The Marxist school is an effort, inadvertent or otherwise, to demolish the grand narrative in Indian history linked to Hinduism, to selectively deconstruct the past and to localize all Indian history in caste and region. India is reduced to a mere collection of castes, linguistic groups, religions and geographic regions. No underlying unity at the ideological plane is recognized except for the Buddhist interlude or Islam under the Sultanate!
The central thesis of the Marxist Indologists that no Hindu civilizational superstructure existed - as captured by Amartya Sen's statement that "there is no Hindu civilization" - can be refuted by even a cursory study of the history of Cambodia, by which I include what is today South Vietnam and the early dynasties therein, or of Java and its neighbouring regions. The study of the literature of Khmer and Javanese, not to mention the archaeological finds in both places reveal the motifs of Hindu classicism first pieced together in a systematic manner in the Gupta period.
One could allude to another feature of the Marxist school i.e. a reliance on the Pali Buddhist canon. While this indeed presents a more balanced picture of India in the middle of the first millennium BC, one that might be lacking if one were to rely on Sanskrit literature alone, one needs to deconstruct the Pali canon. The Marxist indologists had relied on the Pali canon as a tool to de-emphasize the Brahmanic inheritance.
But yet, the Pali canon itself was put down in writing not in India but in Sri Lanka for the very first time in the first century BC - i.e. 450 years after the death of the Buddha. It was orally transmitted until then. This exercise continued in the succeeding centuries with a series of textual commentaries. The Pali language was systematized and schematized in the monasteries of Sri Lanka. The Buddha preached in Magadhi Prakrit much as did Mahavira. The Sinhalese monk reworked and transformed the early Prakrit medium into a rigorous classicism called Pali to facilitate the redaction of the Buddhist texts in a fitting and elegant literary medium. To overly rely on the Pali canon to explain the society and history of the 6th century BC Gangetic plain has its limitations!
The moment has arrived to deconstruct the Marxist school. Those who had the education and rigor to do so are few. There is a paucity of intellectual capital. I can only think of Arun Shourie, the late Sita Ram Goel - he unfortunately did not publish a seminal work on history preferring to critique the individual Marxist historians instead, Meenakshi Jain, B. Lal and Koenraad Elst. It is time to build on this legacy. The concept of civilizational Hinduism is indeed relevant, the Marxist deconstruction notwithstanding.
Authored by Jaffna
The Indian Left and History
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Soraya
April 24, 2007
06:06 AM
Jaffna,
You present a refreshing perspective with the historical data to back it up. It was an informative and intellectually stimulating post. One does not find such viewpoints expressed too often in India. I liked the difference.
Guha
April 24, 2007
09:30 AM
Nice read, Jaffna.
The Indian left could learn a thing or two from their Chinese counterparts who are intensely nationalistic. The inane debate as to whether ancient India had private property or not indicates that the Thapars and Kosambis miss the forest for the trees.....They have idea as to the larger picture.
Guha
April 24, 2007
09:32 AM
Typo - I meant to say ..."no idea as to the larger picture".
Rajkumar
April 24, 2007
10:46 AM
Jaffna: Wow, fantastic article. You have superbly contested the Marxist deconstruction with the help of three specific examples. This has helped understand the issues even for a novice like myself. As you mentioned, Arun Shourie did a great service by exposing Thapar, Habib et al. I totally agree with you that more people needs to join and expose them. I hope that such a movement gathers momentum amongst serious social sciences specialists.
Indeed Soraya, we rarely come across such viewpoints in Indian mainstream media.
Guha: Heh, in PRC any action such as by our Indian Marxists will result in them being condemned by some "Kangroo" oops read "People"'s court and will switftly led to some re-education camps.
best,
Guha
April 24, 2007
12:45 PM
Indeed Rajkumar. Anyone who detracts from the reported achievements of Chinese civilization would be branded a "counter-revolutionary", "bourgeois revisionist", "anti-people" or an "imperialist stooge"! The left in China is very nationalist - almost chauvinist. Just read their claims on how it was a Chinese monk who had allegedly discovered the Americas even before Christopher Columbus had! Or how Zheng He superceded Magellan!
The Indian left by contrast is completely anti-national as Jaffna so eloquently portrays in one academic field - i.e. the discipline of history.
Balaji
April 24, 2007
02:09 PM
i tend to become cynical of any history that i hear.
i am from andhra pradesh. i was witness to the seperate telengana agitation as a kid.
when i went to study in a university and when some one spoke about telengana armed struggle, i thought i was witness to it and knew it.
unfortunately, the whole history when the nizam's razakar military was opposed and fought by the people of telengana does not find any mention in AP's history text books in school. you cd guess that the movement was led by communists.
no romila thapar, no irfan habib none. but the ap text books of history do not acknowledge that there was something like that. they do talk about the arya samaj, swami ramanda thirtha, the congress's role etc.
i have met men and women who participated in the armed struggle.
and when one talks about history, whose history? and from whose perspective?
Ruvy in Jerusalem
URL
April 24, 2007
02:13 PM
While my knowledge of Indian history is woefully lacking, this article resonates with me in that the leftists have infiltrated the teaching of history here, and teach the most unrealistic trash.
Rani
April 24, 2007
03:29 PM
History has always been a tool of the present. If you think it has to be accurate, then you are looking at the wrong place for facts.
Jaffna
April 25, 2007
05:46 AM
Balaji,
You mention an important point:
"and when one talks about history, whose history? and from whose perspective?".
This captures the crux of the matter - that history is relative, that different viewpoints need to be presented and that the informed reader could then decide on the merits of each school. This is how history is taught in Europe.
The problem in India is that the Indian left has monopolized the study of Indian history and leaves no room for different interpretations. Their's is a highly ideological take on the subject matter - one that on closer inspection is seen as one-sided.
The left has dominated the history departments in all centers of higher education in India. JNU stands out in this regard.
I liked the reference to Telangana. You hint that it was a left-inspired uprising that led to the Nizam sending in the Razakars to subdue it. I am not too familiar with the material.
This said, the situation was far more complex. It had a lot to do with the integration of princely states into the Indian Union in 1947, the desire of the Nizam of Hyderabad to retain his independence or even join Pakistan, the unleashing of the Razakars to subdue the Hindu population and the sectarian "ethnic cleansing" etc that took place.
All this was superimposed upon a context of acute landlessness, absentee landlords, indebtedness, low productivity, famine and peasant unrest.
So while a peasant revolt was one element of a complex story, there was a lot more to it. This reinforces the point I make in this comment - that history is truly multidimensional. And the Indian left has misrepresented it - the Telangana case being yet another example.
You have inspired me to do another post - either on the origins of the Telangana movement or on peasant unrest. This is relevant in the context of the current Maoist threat.
Best regards
Andrew
April 25, 2007
12:40 PM
Jaffna:
Cool post. The Marxists only continued the colonial-missionary project to deconstruct and weaken India. Their conclusions could be likened to 'old wine in new bottles'.
Kiran
April 25, 2007
01:25 PM
Well said, Ruvy. I completely agree.
Atlantean
URL
April 26, 2007
10:07 AM
Excellent analysis. You should've also talked about the stranglehold that the leftists have on institutions like the ICHR and how these 'eminent historians' have exploited their positions to siphon off funds meant for history writing projects, how most of these projects lie unfinished and had their completion dates extended, how through their stranglehold they have controlled public discourse and scholarship, how these 'eminent historians' have used their positions to spread communist ideology through primary school textbooks (completely unnoticed), how certain uncomfortable facts about Islamic rule in India have been whitewashed, how ancient Indian history and religion has been blackened by applying Marxist theory, how the role of the socalled anti-imperialist Communist Party of India in colluding with the British during the brutal suppression of the Quit India Movement has been whitewashed from Indian history books by these 'eminent, objective and rationalist' historians etc. All these have been covered by Mr. Arun Shourie in his brilliant book "Eminent historians: Their technology, their line, their fraud." Looking forward to more such articles.
Jaffna
May 1, 2007
11:34 AM
Atlantean,
Thank you. I agree with you.
The leftist distortion of events continues in its reference to contemporary issues such as Kashmir. Examples include Sumantra Bose, Sugato Bose and Mridu Rai who contest the Indian position on Kashmir in numerous publications. All three are based abroad.
Mridu Rai's "Hindu Rulers, Muslim Subjects: Islam, Rights and the History of Kashmir" is one example of a completely one-sided account that ignores Ladakh, Jammu, Gilgit and Skardu. Its emphasis is on a one-sided deconstruction of Dogra rule with a view to legitimize the current insurrection in the state. The role of the Muslim League in 1947 in polarizing religious and ethnic communities is conveniently ignored.
The left in academia and the left in politics work together. The Communist Party of India (Marxist) applauded the Chinese entry into the exclusive nuclear club in the 1960s but opposed India's nuclear tests in 1998. Talk of double standards.
Best regards
Ricky
May 7, 2007
02:16 AM
Jaffna:
I would like your views on Ramachandra Guha's new book "India After Gandhi: A History of the World's Largest Democracy" published by Picador. He claims that India is "an unlikely democracy" and "an unnatural nation".
Jaffna
May 7, 2007
03:28 AM
Ricky,
I have not read Ramachandra Guha's latest book. However, I did see a discussion on it that appeared in the Indian Express on May 6, 2007. He not only calls India an 'unnatural nation' and an 'unlikely democracy'. He also refers to it as a '50-50 democracy'. He describes himself as a 'liberal' while the Indian Express refers to him as 'a widely published historian'!
Let me read the book and respond later. But I do have an immediate instinctual response. The Indian left and proclaimed 'liberal' both derive its ideology from the European ferment that took place in the 1700s with the 'age of enlightenment'. They inherited shared beliefs and concepts. Positivism is one example which stresses that the only authentic knowledge is rooted in the scientific method.
The Indian 'liberal' however tends to be often fuzzy in his liberalism and is often unschooled in Indic classicism and its epistemology.
If Indian academia was dominated by the left - i.e. the likes of Romila Thapar, the Indian Express, the Times of India, CNN-IBN, Pankaj Mishra and Ramachandra Guha represent the 'liberal' response. The two are inter-related and are both offshoots of the colonial-era world view. There is an element of deracination involved. Many are intellectual heirs to Thomas Babington Macaulay.
Phrases such as unnatural nation and unlikely democracy are easy to bandy about. I would like such terms to be operationalized. How would he in fact describe a 'natural nation'? And a 'likely democracy'? I presume Guha had the Anglo Saxon world in mind! But let us not forget the history of slavery, segregation and genocide linked to Australia, Britain, Canada, New Zealand and the United States.
At one point, Guha alleges that Hindu civilization (the latter word is not his) can not explain India's resilience as it "excluded the Dalits and women". I would like to know how Hinduism excluded women any more than any other religion did? Can he justify such sweeping statements?
In certain respects, he is a pop historian for an Indian media that fails to think through. He is somewhat hyped - as is a lot in India.
Best regards
Amrita
URL
May 7, 2007
11:19 AM
You'll find an excerpt of his work on Outlookindia.com
Jaffna
May 7, 2007
12:12 PM
Thanks Amrita. I will check that out.
Ramachandra Guha's thesis is that India survived as a nation and a democracy despite 'incredible odds'. I am still puzzled as to how he defines a 'natural nation' or a 'likely democracy'. Very few such countries exist in the first place. This makes his premise flawed i.e. that India is an 'unnatural nation'.
The Indian 'liberal' suffers from a similar shortcoming of the Indian 'left' in that he/she attempts to analyze his/her context using concepts exclusively derived from western theory.
Best regards
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